torstai 10. elokuuta 2017

Ignoring Court Case, Israel Seizes Solar Panels Powering Bedouin School in West Bank


Army authorities violate established procedure of waiting until High Court makes an interim decision on a petition before acting

Yotam Berger Aug 10, 2017 

The Israeli Civil Administration in the West Bank seized solar panels that powered a Bedouin school and a preschool outside Jerusalem on Wednesday, even though it knew a petition against the seizure was being filed to the High Court of Justice. Indeed, the court issued a restraining order against the confiscation – an hour after the panels were carted off.

By taking the panels, the military authorities violated the established procedure of waiting until the High Court makes an interim decision on a petition before acting.

The panels stood in the Bedouin village of Abu Nuwar, located in the E1 area between Jerusalem and the large settlement of Ma’aleh Adumim. Local resident Daoud Basimat sent a letter to the prosecution through attorney Alaa Mahagna, stressing that there was going to be a petition filed against the seizure of the solar panels. The prosecution acknowledged the notice and said it was being passed to the relevant officials.

Nevertheless, the state hastened to take action and confiscated the solar panels on Wednesday at about 2:30 P.M. An hour later, unaware that the panels had already been hauled away, Justice Neal Hendel issued a temporary order against any enforcement action, “Including forbidding their use, demolishing or confiscating the solar panels that are the subject of this petition unless there is a pressing security need requiring this.”

“This is not the first time that the Civil Administration takes action in contravention of the law while ignoring judicial orders, in an effort to create a fait accompli in the field,” Mahagna told Haaretz. “These are solar panels that were erected to give a basic level of electricity to the only school in the village."

“The enforcement actions reflect the Civil Administration’s approach to the Bedouin communities in the West Bank,” he continued. “What happened today reflects the real meaning of the occupation, which perceives Palestinians as nonexistent in all the territories designated to strengthen the settlement enterprise and the settlements.”

A security source stressed that the panels had been erected without a permit, adding that in fact they were erected on the ruins of other Palestinian structures that had been demolished by the administration a few weeks ago. 

After learning what had happened, Hendel told the state to submit a detailed report on the sequence of Wednesday's events, which will also address the "claimed link between the solar panels that were confiscated and the school and preschool at the site," by Thursday.

In response, the Civil Administration said that "On August 8, inspectors from the administration found unauthorized construction that included the solar panels. The next day, the panels and additional equipment that were placed at the site illegally were taken.

A short time afterwards, the Justice Ministry received a copy of the petition filed to the High Court of Justice in this regard and only later was an injunction given." The administration stressed that "the fact that a lawyer petitions the Justice Ministry does not override authorities' responsibility to enforce the law of the land."

perjantai 17. maaliskuuta 2017

New Palestinian documentary assaults viewers with uncensored look at last Gaza war


In the summer of 2014, on the day that Operation Protective Edge  began, ​Mohamed Jabaly was working in the hospital in Gaza. He was filming an operation there for a movie he was making. When he heard about the outbreak of the fighting between Israel and Gaza, he asked permission to join one of the ambulance crews, without giving too much thought to it. From then until the end of the war, he and his camera were, like the paramedic team, a constant presence in the ambulance racing around Gaza for the next few weeks, rushing to help anyone they could.

The result is “Ambulance,” an hour-long documentary that has been shown in many international documentary film festivals, including the prestigious IDFA festival in Holland, and was also recently shown on Channel 8 on Israeli cable television. For Israeli viewers, a film like this offers a rare opportunity to get a more in-depth view of what went on in those days in Gaza, from a different angle. This is a direct, penetrating view that doesn’t try to soften or sanitize the difficult scenes, which haven’t been cut and edited into something that would fit into the format of a television news program.

Accompanying the ambulance crew, Jabaly reached the wounded just minutes after the bombardments and was able to film people and places that were affected even before the clouds of dust could settle, and to capture the looks of terror on the faces of those who’d just seen death pass before their eyes. Many of the scenes, therefore, are stomach-churning. This film confronts the viewer with the uncensored seething mass of blood, dust and fear that was hidden that cursed summer behind the dry headlines and often overly-sterile reports that filled the newspapers and news programs.

One day that July, Jabaly was in the ambulance when it was summoned to the Gaza beach to evacuate people who were wounded by an Israel Defense Forces bombardment. Jabaly’s camera rocks on his shoulder as he runs with the paramedic team to the beach, and there it records the terrible sight of the body of a young boy sprawled on the golden sand, then being transferred to a stretcher and rushed to the ambulance. This was one of the four children who were killed that day as the result of an IDF attack, apparently while they were playing soccer on the beach.

In another terrifying scene, the ambulance crew arrives to evacuate the wounded from a bombardment, and then comes under bombardment itself a few minutes later.

“Having lived my whole life amid this reality and in the shadow of these hardships, I wanted people to experience what it’s like to be trapped in this kind of situation, when all we want is to live normal lives,” says Jabaly, interviewed last week by email. His decision to join the ambulance crew was spontaneous, he says, adding that he had no clear expectations about what would happen.

“I knew I couldn’t just sit at home and wait for the danger to find me. Everyone who lives in Gaza went through difficult moments, but the work of the ambulance crew really beckoned to me because they are actively working to help people, and when the ambulance arrives, it always brings a feeling of hope. Saving lives and teamwork are the most basic purpose of a civilized society.”
Jabaly lets his camera immortalize the death and destruction, without getting into any verbal analysis, or putting the blame on the Israeli side, or expressing an opinion on the complicated political situation. His narration does accompany the film from time to time, but the commentary is mainly personal. “I’m not a politician. I’m just someone who lives under very difficult circumstances,” he explains. “Most of the world is blind to this human reality. So I felt it was important to try to give expression to my experiences, and to let others form their own ideas about the situation.”

He didn’t tell his family that he was accompanying the ambulance crew. “I didn’t want them to start asking what I was doing. If they knew that I was going around like that with the ambulance, they would have stopped me from doing it anymore,” he says. And he often found himself drawing confidence from the camera itself, amid the raging chaos all around. “During the war, I felt like the camera was becoming my friend. It is seeing what I am seeing, witnessing what I am witnessing, so I felt less alone and less afraid. But of course this added sense of security was all in my head, because my body and the camera could have been hit and destroyed at any time.”

But Jabaly and his camera remained unscathed during the fighting, physically at least. His psyche was another story. In the last part of the movie, the ambulance team is called upon to provide aid that isn’t strictly medical. During the intensive IDF assault on the Shuja’iyya neighborhood of Gaza City, for the purpose of locating and destroying Hamas tunnels many of the local residents fled from their homes. They came out to the streets in a panic, afraid to drive in their cars, and pounced on the passing ambulances, pleading with them to help them escape from the nightmarish scene.

Mohamed Jabaly, a scene from the documentary film "Ambulance." Courtesy of Hot8
Jabaly’s ambulance crew helped ferry people out of the neighborhood. They saw the massive destruction that occurred and heard the people’s repeated cries about the massacre of the residents. Even the ambulance crew, which had seen many terrible things before, broke down. “I’d seen blood and destruction before, but I’d never felt as scared as I did that day. I stood in the street and I filmed, and I couldn’t believe my eyes,” Jabaly says in the movie. “People were uprooted from their homes and I was still hearing the booms. I lost my composure. I couldn’t control myself. I cried. I turned off the camera and decided to go home.”

Despite the large number of photographers and cameramen who had flocked to Gaza at the time, people watching the news around the world received only a partial picture of what was happening there in real time, says Jabaly. “The images alone don’t tell the story of what it really feels like to be in a place like that at a time like that. So although I’d never seen so many reporters in Gaza as I did then, people around the world don’t really know what happened during the 2014 war,” he says.
He attaches great importance to his film being shown on Israeli television, and hopes that many Israelis will see it. “I hope that while watching it, they’ll stop and think again and again about what war really means for people,” says Jabaly. “This wasn’t the first war, of course. I hope that people will get up and do something to stop another war from erupting.”

keskiviikko 15. maaliskuuta 2017

Secret Document Reveals Israel Expelled Gazans Right After Six-Day War

Secret Document Reveals Israel Expelled Gazans Right After Six-Day War

Israel expelled Palestinians from the Gaza Strip as collective punishment in retaliation for an attempted attack on Israeli troops, a secret Foreign Ministry document dated June 15, 1967 reveals.

The document describes a visit by Foreign Ministry officials to the office of the military governor in Gaza, and discusses a decision to expel dozens of Palestinians from Gaza to Sinai after a land mine meant to harm Israeli security forces was planted. The Foreign Ministry’s Avner Arazi, who served in the ministry’s Asian department at the time, wrote the classified document.

Dr. Guy Laron, a senior lecturer in the Hebrew University’s international relations department, told Haaretz: “I didn’t hear about this incident, but there were acts of expulsion and massacres at the end of the war. They were not part of the official history, but they happened.”

He said he had not read of this specific incident, but cited an example of the Shaked commando unit, which happened at the end of the war. “It was under the command of Benjamin Ben-Eliezer on the 10th or 11th (of June),” he said. “There is also the story of Bedouin of Rafah, which happened later, in January 1972. Thousands of Bedouin were expelled, an estimated 6,000-20,000.”

Members of Akevot, the Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research, discovered the document. “What is exceptional in this story is that Foreign Ministry officials immediately write a memorandum of understanding,” Akevot executive director Lior Yavne told Haaretz. “It was not their mission. They went to sign an agreement with UNRWA. It seems that they were flustered by what they saw.”

The document describes Arazi’s visit to Gaza on June 14, days after the Six-Day War ended, in which he met with the military governor in Gaza. The officials were briefed on events in the days following the capture of Gaza. “On the 12th or 13th, a land mine exploded in the Gaza vicinity,” the document states. “The investigation found that the land mine had been laid shortly before it exploded. The tracks led to a number of homes in the Al-Tarabshe (sic) refugee camp.”

According to the document, the Israelis demanded that residents of the homes point out the people who conducted the attack. “A short time later, 110 people identifying themselves as soldiers in the Palestinian liberation army appeared, and took collective blame,” the document states.

Arazi describes the repercussions of this stand. “They did not heed pleas to identify who among them committed the act,” he recalled. “They gave them three hours to reveal the perpetrators otherwise they would all be punished – it was decided to transfer anyone who did not reply by the end of the ultimatum to Sinai and to leave them alone! It seems the punishment was carried out in the meantime. Likewise, the army blew up eight homes to where the tracks led.”

The document also describes other incidents of the army attempting to pressure the Palestinian population to turn in weapons and soldiers to the security forces.

“The government demanded of refugee camp residents in the Strip that they hand over all weapons in their possession,” the document states. “They did not respond to this appeal. Therefore, the government asked the local UNRWA representative to designate a warehouse in which weapons holders could put their weapons inside for the night without investigation or the need to be identified. This method was more effective.” It adds: “Assuming that some Egyptian soldiers were hiding in refugee camp homes, camp residents were called upon to hand over such soldiers. There has been no response.”

Laron says that there are eyewitness reports of mass expulsions from the West Bank immediately at the end of the war. “It did happen at the end of the war in the West Bank,” he said. “There was probably some organized plan, about which no documents have been released. However, there are accounts of soldiers arriving in trucks and encouraging residents to leave, and transporting them to expel them,” he added.

“Uri Avnery, in memoirs he has now published, claims that he met soldiers from the unit who said that this was their job – carrying out an organized plan meant to lead to the expulsion of West Bank residents,” Laron continued. “The commanding general, Uzi Narkiss, just before the war said that if they let us, we can kick out the Arabs from the West Bank within 48 hours. Thousands were exiled without a doubt.”

Akevot’s Livne said the testimony in the document by the Gaza governor in 1967 shows that home demolitions and expulsion served as a punishment tool in the territories by the Israel Defense Forces going back to the first days of the occupation.  Referring to the officer who spoke with ministry officials, Yavne added, “State jurists tend to deny that home demolitions are part of a punishment policy, but the testimony of Gen. Gaon illustrates the real nature of the act of demolition, which always harms those who are not involved in warfare.”

sunnuntai 27. marraskuuta 2016

The Toxic Roots Of Jewish Terror

The Toxic Roots Of Jewish Terror

The religious Zionist's denial to categorize Jewish terror as such fans the flames of terrorism in the name of Judaism and a Jewish state.

Avirama Golan

The longer the Duma arson suspects remain in custody, the greater the pressure from their friends and families on the Shin Bet security service’s Jewish division, to the point of reckless delegitimization of the state. That unruliness is perhaps to be expected, but its full dimensions bears examination.

The people who have the most trouble understanding this are members of the religious Zionist community, including rabbis in the settlements. Most members of this community, which of course cannot imagine itself supporting murder and violent acts, are shocked and terrified by any connection between it and the hard anarchist core of the “hilltop youth.” But in fact this community includes much broader and more complex groups of adults.

This misunderstanding requires clarification for a number of reasons, starting with the demand by spokesmen and supporters of Jewish terror that they be recognized as the pure, brave and just successors of Gush Emunim.

“What happened to the religious-national public?” Elyashiv Har-Shalom goads his parents’ generation in his blog. To his mind, that generation is indifferent to the arrests and interrogations.
“Where are their teachers? Where are all those who know full well the work of protest, the blocking of busy roads with sweeping song and faith in the justness of the path?”

Har-Shalom says his camp does not consist of “wild weeds,” but rather is the result of the great education at its core.

He accuses the founders, who raised their children on the heritage of the first settlements of Sebastia and Beit Hadassah in Hebron: “Your children, your next generation, the sons of your rabbis, have been in custody for weeks in the Shin Bet basements ... they are strong, don’t worry, they received a good education, but what about you?”

Rabbi Yossi Elitzur, a co-author of “The King’s Torah,” blasts the rabbis of Samaria for saying — (“out of fear of the master”) — after protesting the arrests, that they hoped the Duma murderers would be caught. Do they? Is it their hope that “these foes from the Shin Bet will manage to destroy lives and put Jews who could not remain silent in the face of bloodshed into prison for many years”?
Could anything be clearer? On Facebook pages with names like “We want a Jewish state” or “Back to the (Temple) Mount,” independent news bulletins such as “The Jewish Voice” and movements like Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburgh’s Derech Chaim, which has thousands of members, the calls are no less clear. Some are even more clear, such as the statement, “We do not know who did this and it is clear it was not the arrestees, but it was certainly a mitzvah (December 3, “We want a Jewish state”), and the choruses of Kahane Lives and Lehava.

The racism and the violence take various forms, but the idea is one: a pure state of Jewish law, a kingdom of faith at any price and right now. It is inconceivable that the religious Zionist public does not see the spring that feeds these toxic roots: from Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu, who described the restraining order issued in 2013 barring Boaz Albert from the West Bank settlement of Yitzhar, where he lives, as an “order against the Zionism of God”; to Rabbi Dov Lior, who claimed during a visit in support of Albert that the Israeli government is restricting Jews as the British Mandate did and to Rabbi Eliezer Melamed (“the chutzpah of summoning rabbis for questioning”), “The King’s Torah,” “Baruch Hagever” and the like.

No doubt about it, these events are opening a chasm in the religious Zionist community, but the fear of betraying the “sector” and the panic over what is being revealed dictate silence and denial, which in turn empower the supporters of Jewish terror and crown them as the new leaders of the entire public. And woe to us, silence is an admission of guilt.

sunnuntai 6. marraskuuta 2016

Thirty Bullets to Take Down a Teen With a Knife


Raheeq Birawi’s very brief married life in the U.S. was intolerable. Is that why she took a knife and traveled to an Israeli checkpoint three days before her planned return to America?

Gideon Levy and Alex Levac

Did she want to die? Was she tired of her short married life, which began with a kitschy honeymoon and continued as a hell in San Francisco? Was she afraid to return to her husband in America, who, according to her mother, used drugs and beat her? Was Raheeq Birawi – a pretty 19-year-old from the town of Asira al-Shamaliya, near Nablus, a young woman from a poor family whose parents are separated – tired of her new life in the American golden cage? Is that why she took a shared taxi to the Tapuah checkpoint in order to end her life? And, above all, is it even important whether or not she wanted to die?

When someone tries to commit suicide, everywhere else in the world, including security forces, try to save him or her. In the occupied territories, however, the situation is reversed: There’s nobody like the Israel Defense Forces or the Border Police when it comes to helping Palestinians – mainly, Palestinian women – carry out their death plans. In the case of Raheeq Birawi, they were especially happy to do so: Border policemen fired over 30 bullets at her, one after another, to make sure 30 times over that her death wish would come true. Her story is not unique: A large percentage of the knife-wielding women killed by Israel in recent months at checkpoints and bus stops in the territories had a similar background and motives.

Asira al-Shamaliya is a hilly town. The home of the bereaved mother is a rented, one-story stone structure, with damp walls and rooms that are empty of almost any furniture. Here single mother Zahra Birawi lives in poverty, and here Raheeq grew up together with her five sisters and a brother. Their father, Shajia, a construction worker in Israel, separated from Zahra years ago and is remarried. He also lives in Asira.

Several Palestinian flags are now taped to the porch; a death notice was issued by the town council. Unusually, no organization has taken responsibility for the fate of this unfortunate shaheeda (martyr). Israel Air Force planes circled in the sky and made a deafening noise while we sat on the porch with Zahra, whose tears kept flowing. The contrast between the sophisticated jets in the air and the miserable situation here was egregious.

Dressed in blue, her face tired and grief-stricken, the bereaved mother is 47. When she shows us pictures of herself at her daughter’s wedding in San Francisco, just last March, it’s hard to recognize her. “Sadness changes one’s face,” said B’Tselem investigator Abed el-Karim Saadi, who accompanied us.

About three years earlier, A.G., a U.S. native whose family has its roots in East Jerusalem, and who owns a cell phone store in San Francisco, came to Asira to ask for Raheeq’s hand after their families agreed to the match, and they got engaged.

Early this year, mother and daughter traveled to California. First they spent a month in Sacramento with the groom’s family, and then they went to San Francisco for the marriage ceremony. The wedding album reveals a colorful picture of a different reality: the couple in their wedding finery, the happy mother of the bride, dressed up and elegant, dancing in a hotel banquet hall, a fairy-tale event.
Zahra says that at first she actually liked her daughter’s groom. After the wedding, she returned to Asira, while the young couple spent their honeymoon in Hawaii. But the honeymoon was very short-lived.

After they returned to California, Raheeq told her mother that her husband had changed drastically. Raheeq, whose name means “nectar,” became a battered woman. Her life became a hell, according to her mother. Her husband took back the gold jewelry he had given her for their wedding, selling it so he could buy drugs. Once she was even hospitalized, because of pills her husband gave her, according to Zahra.

Raheeq wanted to become a modern woman, and asked to learn to drive, but her husband forbade it. He is 34 years old and only recently did Zahra learn that he was previously married, perhaps even more than once. For his part, his mother, Raheeq’s mother-in-law, suspected that she was flirting with his brother, her brother-in-law. Raheeq was alone in her distress.

On August 21, about five months after the wedding, Raheeq returned to Asira, for her brother’s nuptials. Her mother says that she noticed black and blue marks on her face. When she questioned her, the situation became clear: Raheeq was afraid to return to her husband. Zahra phoned his family in the United States, but they claimed that Raheeq was inventing everything and that her husband hadn’t harmed her.

Zahra didn’t want to interfere, and didn’t try to tell her daughter what to do. “I gave my children freedom, without forcing my opinion on them,” she says when asked whether she tried to pressure Raheeq not to return to America. Raheeq decided in the end to return to her husband, with whom she had spoken only a few times during her trip home. In one conversation, he promised her that he would allow her to learn to drive, if only she would come back.

Raheeq was scheduled to return to San Francisco on Sunday, October 23, together with her mother, who planned to stay with her there for about a month. The husband’s family in America sent the tickets.

On October 19, the last day of her life, Raheeq woke up in her father’s home. She went out to the drugstore, and returned to her mother’s house and told her she was going to Ramallah to do some shopping for the trip and to get some documents. Raheeq traveled by shared taxi from Asira to Nablus, where she boarded another minibus to Ramallah.

The mother’s face is full of tears. She sighs: “May God punish the wicked.”

At about 11 A.M., Zahra’s neighbor, who works in Palestinian intelligence, called and asked whether the Palestinian police had come to her house. When Zahra, perplexed, wondered why he was asking that, what the problem was – the neighbor quickly hung up. Minutes later Shajia, her estranged husband, called from his place of work in Taibeh and said his wife had told him that she heard that something bad had happened to Raheeq.

He said that his new wife had tried to call Raheeq, and an unfamiliar voice answered her. Shajia asked Zahra to contact the Israeli-Palestinian coordination headquarters to find out what happened to their daughter, but Zahra, helpless, didn’t know where to call.

Once again she mutters to herself and weeps silently. She goes on to say that meanwhile, her brother called and told her that there were rumors that Raheeq was killed at the Tapuah Junction. She says now that she started shouting and crying. People began to gather around the house and then she understood that the rumors were true. Since then Zahra hasn’t had a moment’s peace.

IDF soldiers arrived the next day at the home of Raheeq’s father, confiscated his Israeli work permit and warned the family that if there were demonstrations, they would demolish their house. Aqeed, Raheeq’s bereaved brother, the son of Zahra and Shajia, was detained this week by the Palestinian security forces, Israel’s security contractors and executors, after a post on Facebook by a young man from the town of Tamun mentioned that he was planning to avenge his sister’s killing. Aqeed has not yet been released.

Raheeq was shot at the Tapuah checkpoint by Border Police after she allegedly pulled out a knife and approached them. A video clip showed her lying on the road, with the echoes of repeated shots being fired in the background. The Border Police told Haaretz that the incident is under investigation, but nevertheless stated that, “from the moment that the terrorist was neutralized, the fighters stopped firing.”

An internal investigation by the IDF that was published last week noted four cases in recent weeks in which Palestinians were killed or wounded, during which soldiers and Border Police acted improperly. The investigation revealed that in all four instances, those forces could even have refrained from shooting altogether. One of the cases covered in the report was that of the killing of Raheeq Birawi. The report notes that the border policemen fired over 30 bullets at her after she pulled out the knife and walked toward them.

Zahra has not seen the video posted online in which the policemen are seen emptying their magazines on her daughter, even as Raheeq lies in the road. Zahra only saw the picture of her daughter’s body and her blurred face. The mother adds that in the picture there’s a knife in her daughter’s right hand, but notes that she was left-handed. Zahra finds it difficult to believe that her daughter pulled out a knife, and even less that she wanted either to kill herself or harm any soldiers. “Maybe they fired at her because she was the prettiest one in the taxi,” she says.

Israel has retained possession of her daughter’s body, in accordance with the despicable practice of preventing funerals that could escalate into riots. Zahra wants her daughter to have a proper burial, but has no idea how to go about asking for the body.

Is it possible that Raheeq wanted to die in order not to return to her husband in America? “No,” Zahra asserts. “She loved life. And she was a believer, even in America. She continued to pray to God. There’s no chance that she wanted to die.”

Just two weeks before she was killed, Raheeq celebrated her 19th birthday.

Her husband didn’t come to Asira after his wife was killed, and he and his family didn’t even speak to the bereaved mother by phone when she was mourning. And once again she mumbles: “God, punish the wicked, punish the wicked.”

lauantai 5. marraskuuta 2016

Israel Funds Group That 'Saves Jewish Girls' From Marrying Arabs


The Social Services Ministry doubled its funding since 2012 for a shelter for young Jewish women 'rescued' from Arab villages. 'We have been cooperating with a racist group for a decade,' a source in the ministry says.

Israel's welfare agency has recently expanded its cooperation with an organization that seeks to "save Jewish girls" from marrying Arabs, Haaretz has learned.
The Social Affairs and Social Services Ministry has increased funding for a young women's shelter run by Hemla, a group headed by figures associated with the radical right. According to the organization, the shelter is geared toward "female youths from broken homes who are at risk of shmad" – a Hebrew term that denotes coerced conversion to another religion.

In a promotional flyer released two years ago, the head of Hemla, Elyakim Neiman, described intermarriage between Jewish women and Arab men as a "national plague."

"We are doing our best to save these girls before they reach [Arab] villages and give birth to 'Ahmad Ben Moshe,'" he said. "We provide for the girls' physical and spiritual needs." 

According to the brochure, the young women receive mental and social assistance until they "return to the path of healthy Jewish life, as is appropriate for the daughter of a king."

Another promotional leaflet for the shelter boasted that the woman who runs it, Rachel Baranes, has dedicated her life to "saving the daughters of Israel from the claws of the Ishmaelites," a term referring to Arabs. An article published in 2009 in "Eretz Israel Shelanu" (Our Land of Israel), a newsletter associated with the radical right, describes Hemla's boardinghouse as the only shelter for Jewish girls "rescued" from Arab villages. 

The boardinghouse's operations cost 2.6 million shekels a year ($685,000). The Social Services Ministry has recently agreed to increase funding for the institution to 1.3 million shekels a year, up from 800,000 shekels in 2013-2015 and 650,000 shekels in 2012. The agreements between the NGO and the government agency have been repeatedly extended without issuing public tenders. The ministry's funding and cooperation legitimizes the group and allows it to expand its operations. 

"For a decade, we have been cooperating with a racist organization that has officially declared that one of its goals is to save Jewish girls from the danger of" converting out of Judaism, a source in the ministry told Haaretz. 

Hemla has in the past been closely linked to Lehava, a radical rightist organization known for its efforts to prevent marriage between Jews and Arabs. Lahava Chairman Bentzi Gopstein was a member of Hemla for years, until leaving in 2014. That year, Hemla paid Gopstein's wife, Anat, 66,000 shekels ($17,300) for "seeking out girls" for the shelter, according to documents from the NGO registrar. In an audit from 2014, the registrar notes the ties between the two groups were severed that year but notes that due to possible illegal activity on Lehava's part, the connection should be reexamined in the future.  

The Social Affairs Ministry has responded by saying that Hemla is recognized by NGO registrar, and that the decision to raise the funding is meant to allow the group to expand the shelter, which is meant for ultra-Orthodox and newly religious teens who are in severe distress.

Neiman, Hemla's chairman, said that the group's activity has been fully coordinated with the ministry and that it has received praise for its work.

In his comment for this article, Gopstein, the chairman of Lehava, suggested that "Haaretz, which is funded by German money, should conduct investigations into Peace Now and B'Tselem and not try to undermine the activity of organizations and groups that work for the People of Israel's benefit." 

Full disclosure: As part of an investigative report conducted by Haaretz in 2011, journalists Uri Blau and Shai Greenberg entered the shelter and were accused of trespassing by the state prosecutor. Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein later suspended the proceeding and the Jerusalem Magistrate's Court closed the case. 

lauantai 3. syyskuuta 2016

KOLME DAREEN TATOURIN RUNOA SUOMEKSI


KOLME DAREEN TATOURIN RUNOA SUOMEKSI

Dareen Tatour(33) on palestiinalainen runoilija, jonka Israel vangitsi ja asetti sitten kotiarestiin odottamaan tuomiota oikeudenkäynnissä, jossa häntä syytetään 'yllyttämisestä' runollaan VASTUSTA KANSANI, VASTUSTA HEITÄ jonka hän julkaisi Facebookissa.

Hänen kohtelunsa Israelin käsissä on herättänyt (epätavallisesti) jonkin verran huomiota maailmalla, koska henkilö joka on joutunut poliittisen vainon kohteeksi ja jonka sananvapautta pyritään rajoittamaan on tällä kertaa kirjailija.

Sadoittain palestiinalaisia on pidätetty sosiaaliseen mediaan tehtyjen kirjoitusten johdosta Israelin toimesta Vihreän linjan molemmin puolin; Tatourin tapaus on ensimmäisiä, joka on saanut vähääkään suurempaa huomiota.

Tässä on käännöksen käännöksinä kolme hänen runoaan, joiden taiteellinen arvo näin käännettynä on tietenkin hyvin alhainen, mutta niiden tarkoituksena onkin antaa käsitys hänen runoistaan, etenkin runosta VASTUSTA KANSANI, VASTUSTA HEITÄ jonka vuoksi hän on ollut ensin vangittuna ja nyt kotiarestissa odottamassa tuomiota sen johdosta nostetussa oikeudenkäynnissä.

VASTUSTA, KANSANI, VASTUSTA HEITÄ on suomennettu Tariq al-Haydarin englanninkielisestä käännöksestä: https://arablit.org/…/the-poem-for-which-dareen-tatours-un…/

UNOHDAN SEN, KUTEN TAHDOT ja MINÄ EN LÄHDE on suomennettu Jonathan Wrightin englanninkielisistä käännöksistä:http://www.pierrejoris.com/blog/?p=14810

VASTUSTA, KANSANI, VASTUSTA HEITÄ

Vastusta, kansani, vastusta heitä.
Jerusalemissa minä sidoin haavani ja hengitin suruni
ja kannoin kämmenelläni
arabialaisen Palestiinan sielua.
En vajoa "rauhanomaiseen ratkaisuun",
en koskaan laske lippujani
kunnes ajan heidät pois minun maastani.
Heitän heidät syrjään tulevaksi ajaksi.
Vastusta, kansani, vastusta heitä.
Vastusta siirtokuntalaisen ryöstelyä
ja seuraa marttyyrien karavaania.
Revi häpeällinen perustuslaki
mikä määräsi alennustilan ja nöyryytyksen,
ja esti meitä palauttamasta oikeutta.
He polttivat syyttömiä lapsia;
ja mitä tulee Hadiliin, he ampuivat hänet julkisesti,
tappoivat hänet kirkkaassa päivänvalossa.
Vastusta, kansani, vastusta heitä.
Vastusta kolonialistin päällekarkausta.
Älä kiinnitä huomiota hänen vakoojiinsa keskuudessamme,
jotka kahlitsevat meidät rauhanomaisella harhalla.
Älä pelkää epäileviä kieliä;
totuus sydämessäsi on voimakkaampi,
niin kauan kuin vastustat maassa
mikä on elänyt läpi ryöstöretkien ja voiton.
Niin Ali kutsui haudastaan:
Vastustakaa, kapinoiva kansani.
Kirjoita minut sanoina sydänpuuhun;
jäännöksilläni on sinut vastauksenaan.
Vastusta, kansani, vastusta heitä.
Vastusta kansani, vastusta heitä. 

UNOHDAN SEN, KUTEN TAHDOT 

Kuten tahdot,
minä unohdan sen,
tarinan meistä joka on nyt osa menneisyyttä
ja unelmat, jotka kerran olivat sydäntemme täyte.
Olisimme halunneet toteuttaa ne,
mutta me tapoimme ne.
Unohdan asiat, oi elämäni rakkaus,
asiat jotka me sanoimme,
runot jotka me kirjoitimme sydämiemme seinämiin
ja piirsimme väreissä,
puut joiden alla istuimme hetken,
ja nimet jotka me kaiversimme.
Unohdan ne,
kuten tahdot,
joten älä ole vihainen. 

MINÄ EN LÄHDE 

He allekirjoittivat minun puolestani
ja tekivät minusta
asiakirjan, unohdetun
kuten tupakantumpit.
Koti-ikävä repi minut hajalle.
Ja omassa maassani minä päädyin
siirtolaiseksi.
Hylkäsin nuo kynät
nyyhkyttääkseni mustepullojen
surujen vuoksi.
He hylkäsivät minun asiani ja unelmani
hautausmaan porteilla,
ja tuo henkilö joka odottaa,
valittaa kohtaloaan
elämän kulkiessa ohi.
Piiritä minut, räjäytä minut,
salamurhaa minut, vangitse minut.
Kun kysymyksessä on minun maani,
ei ole perääntymisen mahdollisuutta.